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Angus Reid Global Monitor : Election Tracker
Ukraine
Credit:Flag courtesy of ITA’s Flags of All Countries used with permission.
Election Date: September 30, 2007
Abstract: At stake: Supreme Council
At stake: Supreme Council
Background
In 1922, Ukraine became one of the original constituent republics of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. During World War II, Ukraine suffered severe devastation under German occupation and underwent many territorial changes.
Ukraine gained its independence following the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Kiev is the capital and largest city. Since seceding from the Soviet Union, Ukraine has tried to balance its close ties with Russia with its aspirations of broader cooperation with the European Union (EU).
In 1994, Leonid Kuchma was elected president. He won a second term in a run-off against Petro Symonenko of the Communist Party (KPU) on Nov. 14, 1999.
The last years of Kuchma's tenure were unsound. The president was chided for his perceived authoritarian style; in 2002, a series of tape recordings hinted at the possible sale of hi-tech radar equipment to Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq. A year later, Kuchma deployed peacekeepers to join the United States-led coalition effort in Iraq, a strategy that resulted in a drop in public support.
In November 2004, a series of public demonstrations took place in Kiev after the presidential run-off. The Ukrainian Supreme Court eventually invalidated the results of the second round, and ordered a special re-vote. Opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko—whose supporters wore orange-coloured clothing at events and rallies—received 51.99 per cent of all cast ballots, defeating Viktor Yanukovych.
Click here for 2004 Ukraine Election Tracker
During his term in office, Yushchenko has had to deal with sagging approval for his administration, which has been dogged by allegations of corruption. He dismissed his entire cabinet in September 2005 to appoint a new roster of senior staff in an attempt to make the government more effective.
The cabinet reshuffle meant the end of the tenure of prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who had provided her party's support to Yushchenko during the presidential re-vote. Yushchenko appointed Dnipropetrovsk governor Yuri Yekhanurov as head of government.
In March 2006, Ukrainian voters renewed the Supreme Council. In July, the "anti-crisis" governing coalition—which includes Yanukovych's Party of Regions (PR), the Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU) and the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU)—was formally announced. In August, Yanukovych was confirmed as prime minister, while Yushchenko remained as president.
Click here for 2006 Ukraine Election Tracker
Yanukovych and Yushchenko agreed on a 27-point declaration, which contemplates improving Ukraine's relations with the European Union (EU) and includes a plan to eventually join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
On Nov. 3, Yushchenko called for a review of the national constitution, declaring, "The future constitutional commission will be bound to make pragmatic decisions for better relations between power branches, court and legal reforms, opposition rights and other constitutional issues. The fundamental law is a national document, and not a single power branch can monopolize it."
The government has been deemed very ineffective since Yushchenko's pro-Western and Yanukovych's pro-Russian factions have been forced to work in coalition. In February 2007, Yushchenko accused lawmakers loyal to Yanukovych of taking decisions "with such insufficient consideration that they can be based only on emotions and the desire for some primitive revenge" for the current prime minister's defeat in the 2004 ballot.
On Mar. 19, Yanukovych dismissed allegations that the government has come to a stall because of ideological differences, declaring, "We deny any parliamentary or economic crisis in the country as the government works, economy and budget are increasing, and decisions are being made together with the president."
2007 Supreme Council Election
On Apr. 2, Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko dissolved the Supreme Council and called an election for May 27. The legislative branch refused to acknowledge the decree and vowed to continue meeting.
Ukraine's government has completely come to a standstill due to fighting within the ruling coalition. Street protests in favour and against the government are becoming more common.
On Apr. 2, the presidential office released a statement, which read: "Viktor Yushchenko, as commander-in-chief of Ukraine's armed forces, stressed he would allow no use of force in the country."
On Apr. 5, Yushchenko reiterated his intentions, declaring, "I stress one more time that it is obligatory to implement the decree of Ukraine's president. Any refusal to implement it will result in criminal proceedings. I will not take a single step towards rescinding the decree."
Party of Regions (PR) leader and current prime minister Viktor Yanukovych dismissed the president's call, saying, "We reject any form of early elections. (...) If the decree is unconstitutional, then the heads of law enforcement agencies should get involved to look into how the situation got to this point and who started it."
On Apr. 6, Yanukovych discussed the situation, saying, "The government will ensure tranquility and stability in the country and all events will be within the democratic limits and not affect our foreign policy priorities. (...) In spite of the deepening the political crisis, the country's activity is going on."
On Apr. 10, five of the 18 members of the Constitutional Court expressed disappointment with the current situation and called for bodyguards before issuing their ruling on the election call. Judge Volodymyr Kampo declared: "Gross pressure has been applied."
Also on Apr. 10, Yanukovych called for a legal solution to the current political impasse, saying, "It would be better from all points of view, if the president, in accordance with the law, consulted with the Constitutional Court before upholding his decision. He could ask if he had the right to dissolve the Parliament in other cases in addition to those which are stipulated by the Constitution. But it has not occurred. Today, all of us should wait until the Constitutional Court's ruling."
On Apr. 25, Yushchenko addressed the nation again, and declared: "With the aim to organize elections appropriately and resolve problems facing Ukraine in a democratic way, I have signed a decree scheduling early elections for June 24."
On Apr. 30, Yushchenko vowed to go ahead with the ballot, saying, "I will soon announce decisions that will guarantee the election takes place in a calm and appropriate manner. The election will be honest and democratic with an appropriate level of organization and international observers present. You will be able to express your will freely and honestly. I have sufficient means to ensure the preparation and staging of these elections. I will overcome any criminal sabotage. Any failure to act will be brought to account."
On May 5, opposition lawmaker Yulia Tymoshenko discussed the current state of affairs, saying, "Ukraine has again proved to be an example of how to end a crisis strictly through our own political means, without outside interference or pressure. An early election gives Ukraine the chance to proceed along the path of renewal. (...) There is a single goal in doing this. We must draw large numbers of people towards the democratic position and make them members of a democratic team."
On May 7, Yanukovych rejected the proposed new date because the timing fails to guarantee the elections will be transparent, adding, "If early elections are to be held, they must be provided with a legal framework, which is not in place yet."
On May 11, the main opposition parties ruled out any cooperation with Yanukovych's PR. NS-NU chairman Vyacheslav Kyrylenko explained the situation, saying, "An agreement signed between Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc in February does not foresee any broad coalition, no alliance with the Party of Regions in a new parliament."
On May 17, Constitutional Court chairman Ivan Dombrovsky resigned. Yushchenko repeated his call for a quick ballot, saying, "An early election will take place. Let me just say that it will not be in October. We should not engage in games on this. We need a quick, democratic reaction to the crisis."
On May 23, Ukraine's Constitutional Court curtailed the president's power to appoint and fire the heads of local courts. Under Ukrainian law, chief judges and deputies are nominated by the Supreme Court's chief judge, and then appointed or fired by the president. Critics of the president have complained that Yushchenko had been appointing only loyalists to the courts in recent months. The decision suggests that the Constitutional Court may not approve Yushchenko's dissolution of the Supreme Council.
Yushchenko's chief of staff Viktor Baloha said the president will not accept the ruling on the elections if it is not in his favour, adding, "There are two scenarios for the way out of the crisis: the early election to Parliament and further monopolization of power with respective consequences. The president will not allow the second scenario."
On May 27, Yushchenko and Yanukovych agreed to hold the election on Sept. 30, after an eight-hour meeting. The president declared: "We have great news for this holy day. Now we can say that the political crisis in Ukraine is over."
On Jun. 1, the Supreme Council authorized a legislation package required in order to hold the early election in September.
In May and June, Ukrainian lawmakers discussed possible amendments to the country's constitution. Yushchenko has said he favours a "two-chamber parliament", while the KPU has called for the abolition of the presidency and declaring Ukraine as "a non-nuclear and neutral state, free of membership in any military blocs." Changes in existing legislation related to social issues are not expected.
On Jun. 16, NS-NU chairman Kyrylenko discussed a possible agreement, saying, "After the election, we will form a coalition, but only with the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, not any of the forces that are today part of the 'anti-crisis' coalition."
On Jun. 26, Tymoshenko criticized Yanukovych's recent decision to allow one of the biggest energy companies in the country, Dniproenergo, to continue its process of privatization, saying, "Impertinently seeking personal benefit, Yanukovych's government officials are eager to sell out all the state industry." The Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc issued a statement calling for Yushchenko to stop the process of selling "strategic enterprises" to private investors, and decried the sale of Dniproenergo, saying, "As a result of this venture, the state funds should lose about $500 million U.S., apart from one of the largest energy companies in Ukraine."
On Jun. 27, Yanukovych told a news conference he would take part in the September ballot reluctantly because he sees no other way out of the current political crisis, saying, "I believe that in these conditions it is vital to hold the election. There is no other way. But it must take place strictly on legal, constitutional grounds."
On Jul. 5, NATO secretary-general Jaap de Hoop Scheffer reflected on Ukraine's current situation, saying, "You now have a much more mature political debate, which did not exist before. With all the consequences, I am always positive to see political debate. I'll not enter that political debate because it is not up to me to enter what is specifically Ukrainian. But, the partnership, at the same time, has grown. Mention to me one other NATO partner like Ukraine who is participating in all NATO's operations and missions. I don't know a second one."
On Jul. 9, representatives from the United States, Ukraine and nine other countries launched a series of joint military exercises in the Black Sea and inside the Odessa and Mykolaiv oblasts. Following the opening ceremony, the officers encountered a demonstration organized by representatives of the Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine (PSPU), who shouted slogans such as "We don't need NATO" and "NATO, get lost".
In a July newspaper interview, Yushchenko said he believes an ideal future prime minister for Ukraine must be someone who "understands deeply the national priorities of Ukraine. (...) It must be a person who isn't afraid to say he is a patriot of Ukraine and isn't afraid to speak Ukrainian." The president added that the head of government must grasp that Ukrainian policy "must be created in Kiev, not in other capitals."
On Jun. 28, NS-NU chairman Kyrylenko and People's Self-Defence leader Yury Lutsenko signed an agreement to create an alliance. The deal, called the Declaration of the Unification of Democratic Forces, was made public on Jul. 5.
Lutsenko said the new alliance's priorities include "a crusade against crime", the development of small and mid-size businesses, and "European wages, European education, and health care." Lutsenko confirmed that the new group would not deal with the PR, but is open to collaboration with the Tymoshenko Bloc.
On Aug. 3, Moroz said he would be willing to support an impeachment drive against Yushchenko in the next legislature, adding, "Early elections are a dangerous adventure for Ukraine. (...) I regret that the president whom I supported has broken all his pledges, agreements and oaths."
On Aug. 6, Yanukovych expressed confidence in his party's success, saying, "It is clear that the PR is not afraid of elections. We will win them as we did in 2006."
On Aug. 7, Yushchenko told a party caucus meeting that his bitter dispute with the prime minister is over and said his party is reunited with the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, declaring, "The battle of the mediaeval chiefs has ended. This is what all the Ukrainian people have been waiting for. (...) Tymoshenko's bloc is advancing alongside us, shoulder to shoulder. Our common victory depends on how we help each other and how we coordinate our work."
In early August, opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko—who supported Yushchenko in the last presidential election and briefly served as prime minister—accused the Central Election Commission (CEC) of acting as Yanukovych's "puppet" after it denied registration to candidates belonging to the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc for failing to provide their full addresses in their applications.
Tymoshenko vowed to denounce the CEC before the European Union (EU), saying, "We will inform them that the part of the CEC that is controlled by the ("anti-crisis") coalition is against the fundamentals of democracy. (...) The world will never recognize elections in which the biggest political force will not take part."
On Aug. 15, the CEC finally registered the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc's candidates for the upcoming election, following a unanimous vote.
On Aug. 20, Tymoshenko accused the Russian government of interference, saying, "Russia is trying to keep Ukraine within its sphere of influence. It's taking advantage of all of Ukraine's historical dependencies to do so, energy dependency among others. And it's using the quarrelling of Ukraine's elites. The longer Russia intends to maintain this system of dependency, the longer our relations won't be able to normalize."
On Aug. 24, Yushchenko called for a new constitution in order to resolve disputes over the powers of the different branches of government. The president said he would call for a constitutional council to begin the revision process, and then call for a public vote to ratify the changes to the charter. Yushchenko declared: "I know how to restore order in our Ukrainian house. (...) This process will take longer than a day but nobody will be able to make it too long. It also cannot be a hostage of the election, as it is very important for each of us. I firmly repeat what I said two months ago on Constitution Day: our constitution will be adopted at a nationwide Ukrainian referendum."
On Sept. 11, Yushchenko accused Russia of obstructing an investigation into his poisoning with a substance known as dioxin in 2004. Yushchenko claimed at the time that he had been poisoned by “political rivals. “ The illness left his face pockmarked. Yushchenko also suffered from back pain, acute pancreatitis and nerve paralysis on the left side of his face.
In a highly publicized interview, Yushchenko declared: “The role of all of the individuals that might be involved in this case is already determined. The investigation knows who, when, where, which substance was used.” The Ukrainian president added that dioxin is produced only in the United States, Britain and Russia, and said Russia refuses to provide a sample of its product.
On Sept. 13, Tymoshenko accused the government of “drug dealing” while referring the country’s rates of drug addiction. The opposition leader declared: “Top leaders of power structures are the shield for the government, which is engaged in drug dealing. (...) By eliminating this power, we close practically all ‘drug traffics’ that go through the country. They are not eliminated now only because they are under government and power structures’ protection.”
On Sept. 24, Yushchenko and Tymoshenko rallied together again and tried to assure voters of their renewed partnership against Yanukovych. Yushchenko declared: “Some of you may have given up the fight or have come with heads bowed, weary of quarrels. I understand how you feel. (...) Mistakes were made, humiliating, immoral actions committed. But our time has come. If we want the Ukrainian nation to win here we must overcome our own egoism. We must be united.”
Tymoshenko—who sided with Yushchenko at the time of the “Orange Revolution”—served as prime minister from January 2005 to September 2005.
On Sept. 26, Yushchenko said the prime minister is responsible for the fairness of the parliamentary election, saying, “I would like to repeat personally for Viktor Yanukovych and other political colleagues that the cabinet is personally responsible for holding honest, transparent and democratic elections. This is not only my mission, this is the prime minister’s mission as well. (...) Why is Yanukovych speaking about falsifications at every rally? Because he has planned such falsifications.”
Also on Sept. 26, Yanukovych called on voters to express their views on the way the president has performed, declaring, “Everything that happened after the Orange Revolution has been a nightmare. (...) It is clear to us that the orange hordes want once again to use their populism to dupe the Ukrainian people.”
On Sept. 27, former Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma said Yushchenko’s resignation—accompanied by an early presidential election—is possible after the parliamentary ballot is held, adding, “If again they form a coalition on the verge of fantastics, if a political force enters it only to flex its muscles, there is always an opportunity to show dissatisfaction with the received result.”
Also on Sept. 27, Yushchenko and Tymoshenko again appeared together. The president declared: “We have only one option and that is forming a democratic coalition. Period. And I mean period.”
Voting took place on Sept. 30. On Oct. 1, both rival factions claimed victory. Yanukovych declared: “We won and I am convinced that we will again form a government of national trust and unity.” Tymoshenko said: “In one or two days we will announce the coalition.”
Official preliminary results gave the Party of Regions (PR) 175 seats, followed by the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc with 156 seats, the coalition of Yushchenko’s People’s Union-Our Ukraine (NS-NU) and the People’s Self-Defence Bloc with 72 seats, the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU) with 27 seats, and the Volodymyr Lytvyn Bloc with 20 seats.
On Oct. 11, Yushchenko said he would not discuss a potential coalition until the final results of the election are certified, but claimed his NS-NU, the People’s Self-Defence Bloc and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc will choose the country’s next head of government, adding, “The winner of the elections is the Orange Coalition. They have a majority and, of course, they can nominate its prime minister.”
Final results released on Oct. 15 gave the "orange forces" 228 seats, while Yanukovych and his Communist allies took control of 202 seats. On that same day, Tymoshenko discussed the post-election coalition, saying, "Let me just say that the election has led to a change in parliament. Power has changed hands in Ukraine and we have achieved the result we had hoped for. The democratic team has all grounds to reform all sectors of life so that people feel tangible changes in the country."
On Dec. 12, Tymoshenko was ratified as prime minister, with the support of 225 lawmakers. Her cabinet features finance minister Viktor Pynzenyk and interior minister Yury Lutsenko.
Political Players
President: Viktor Yushchenko
Prime minister: Yulia Tymoshenko
The president is elected to a five-year term by popular vote.
Parliament: The Verkhovna Rada (Supreme Council) has 450 members, elected to four-year terms by proportional representation.
Results of Last Election:
President - Oct. 31, Nov. 21 (*) and Dec. 26, 2004
|
Oct. |
Nov. |
Dec. |
|
|
Viktor Yushchenko - |
39.87% |
46.61% |
51.99% |
|
Viktor Yanukovych - |
39.32% |
49.46% |
44.19% |
|
Oleksandr Moroz - |
5.81% |
-- |
-- |
|
Petro Symonenko - |
4.97% |
-- |
-- |
|
Nataliya Vitrenko - |
1.53% |
-- |
-- |
|
Anatoly Kinakh - Party of Industrialists |
0.93% |
-- |
-- |
|
Oleksandr Yakovenko - Communist |
0.78% |
-- |
-- |
|
Oleksandr Omelchenko - |
0.48% |
-- |
-- |
|
Leonid Chernovetsky - |
0.45% |
-- |
-- |
|
Dmytro Korchynsky - |
0.17% |
-- |
-- |
|
Andriy Chornovil - |
0.12% |
-- |
-- |
|
Mykola Grabar - |
0.07% |
-- |
-- |
|
Mykhailo Brodsky - |
0.05% |
-- |
-- |
|
Yuriy Zbitnyev - |
0.05% |
-- |
-- |
|
Sergiy Komisarenko - |
0.04% |
-- |
-- |
|
Vasil Volga - |
0.04% |
-- |
-- |
|
Bohdan Boyko - |
0.04% |
-- |
-- |
|
Oleksandr Rzhavsky - |
0.03% |
-- |
-- |
|
Mykola Rogozhynsky - |
0.03% |
-- |
-- |
|
Vladislav Krivobokov - People's |
0.03% |
-- |
-- |
|
Oleksandr Bazilyuk - |
0.03% |
-- |
-- |
|
Igor Dushyn - |
0.03% |
-- |
-- |
|
Roman Kozak - |
0.02% |
-- |
-- |
|
Volodimir Nechiporuk - |
0.02% |
-- |
-- |
|
Against all candidates |
1.98% |
2.31% |
2.34% |
(*) On Dec. 3, the Supreme Court invalidated the results of the Nov. 21 presidential run-off between Yushchenko and Yanukovych and ordered a special re-vote.
Supreme Council - Sept. 30, 2007
|
Vote% |
Seats |
|
|
Party of Regions (PR) |
34.37% |
175 |
|
Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc |
30.71% |
156 |
|
People’s Union-Our Ukraine (NS-NU) People’s Self-Defence |
14.15% |
72 |
|
Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU) |
5.39% |
27 |
|
Volodymyr Lytvyn’s Bloc |
3.96% |
20 |
|
Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU) |
2.86% |
-- |
|
Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine (PSPU) |
1.32% |
-- |
|
All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom" |
0.76% |
-- |
|
Party of Greens of Ukraine |
0.40% |
-- |
|
Electoral Bloc of Liudmyla Suprun |
0.34% |
-- |
|
Communist Party of Ukraine (renewed) |
0.29% |
-- |
|
Party of Free Democrats |
0.21% |
-- |
|
Bloc of the Party of Pensioners of Ukraine |
0.14% |
-- |
|
Party of National Economic Development of Ukraine |
0.14% |
-- |
|
Ukrainian People’s Bloc |
0.12% |
-- |
|
Peasants’ Bloc "Agrarian Ukraine" |
0.11% |
-- |
|
Christian Bloc |
0.10% |
-- |
|
Electoral Bloc of Political Parties "KUCHMA" |
0.10% |
-- |
|
Bloc "All-Ukrainian Community" |
0.05% |
-- |
|
All-Ukrainian Party of People’s Trust |
0.02% |
-- |
|
Against all candidates |
2.73% |
-- |
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