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Angus Reid Global Monitor : Politics In Depth
The select national consciousness of John Howard
The issues that helped elect him now show a divergence between the Australian prime minister and his constituents.
(Angus Reid Global Scan) Natasha Moore - Once commenting that a political comeback to the leadership of the Liberal party would be like the return of "Lazarus with a triple bypass", John Howard—the prime minister of Australia—is fresh from celebrating ten years in the country's highest office.
Eight years shy of Robert Menzies—Australia's longest serving head of government—Howard's leadership has been buoyed by fifteen years of consistent economic growth; caused controversy particularly over indigenous and immigration issues and illustrated the unique skill of this self-proclaimed uncharismatic and socially conservative "mate" of the Australian people.
As opposition leader, it was his failure to defeat the Labor party in the 1987 election and subsequent leadership coup that brought forth his famous utterance. But when Lazarus returned sans bypass, Howard began to tap into what was to become a political mantra—the voice of ordinary Australian 'battlers' over those of 'elite special needs groups'. Broadly, Howard describes himself as a Burkean conservative with a preference for low personal income and business taxes, minimal government intervention, privatization of government enterprises, and voluntary unionism.
When Howard was fighting for his political career, the governing Labor party was instituting broad economic reforms that built a foundation for uninterrupted growth. Riding on the success of these reforms—although claiming a budgetary black hole when eventually reaching office—Howard's careful economic management, Labor's loss of momentum, and China's insatiable appetite for Australian commodities have contributed to his political success.
A politician's work however is seldom smooth sailing. Critical to his success in the 2001 election, the war on terrorism and illegal immigration or 'queue jumping' have recently returned as issues and they now demonstrate a divergence between Howard and his constituents. Approval for his record on economic management may be strong—higher than 80 per cent in a recent poll—but 50 per cent thought that Australia had become 'meaner' under Howard, two-thirds disapproved of the state of public health and education spending and 58 per cent now thought that sending troops to Iraq was against Australia's best interests.
That one third of Howard's leadership has been in a time of war is noteworthy. Howard subscribes to a notion, first voiced by Billy Hughes—Australian's prime minister during the First World War—that Australia as a nation was born on the shores of Gallipoli. Isolating military history as a unique and defining national identity, Howard perhaps moves us to forget equally important aspects of Australian social history, producing a select national consciousness. Over one hundred years of European history and thousands of years of indigenous history pre-date the moment that Australian and New Zealand troops leapt upon that Turkish beach and into the history books.
There is little that distinguishes John Howard from U.S. president George W. Bush. They both adhere to a social conservatism that upholds family values, Christian ethics, concepts of individualism and free enterprise. In Australia, Howard has banned same-sex marriage, reinstituted Christian religious ethics into social policy, beaten a path on union busting and recently passed legislation providing welfare gains for 'breadwinners' and stay-at-home mothers—to the detriment of working mothers and single parents.
It is here that a divergence between Howard and the Australia public occurs again. Over the last decade, public opinion of these issues has changed. More Australians support same-sex marriage, believe in equity in the work place for women, prefer public ownership of telecommunication, resource and transit institutions, believe in the humane treatment of asylum seekers and a fair go for indigenous Australians.
While Howard has succeeded in maintaining political consistency, the Labor party has failed not only to inspire the Australian electorate but to provide lasting organizational leadership. With Labor in opposition, Howard has succeeded in gaining a more substantial majority in each election—something he now enjoys in both houses—despite obstacles that would have seen others fail.
His success tells us much about the changing nature of Australian political values. When it comes to Howard, Australians seem to be riled into action but eventually placated: charmed by a non-charismatic 'battlers' mate, yet frustrated by his unswerving conservatism. In his own words, Howard is "the most conservative leader the Liberals have ever had" and by that virtue, the most conservative PM Australia has ever known. Looking toward the next election—slated for either 2007 or 2008—the Australian public could either be swayed by strong economic growth, or tire of social conservatism. Either way Howard has succeeded—at his self-depreciating best—in making the history books.
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