The president wanted more commiserating congressmen to pass his proposals. Now he will have to work with less.

Mario Canseco

For a political organization that just three years ago toppled a machine that had ruled uninterrupted for seven decades, Mexico's Partido Acción Nacional (PAN—National Action Party) had a dismal showing in the mid-term congressional elections. The ruling party got 23.1 per cent of the vote, and 153 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.

The PAN's electoral platform revolved around a single fact. Without a majority in Congress, it would be impossible to pass Vicente Fox's reforms and deliver the changes boldly promised by the candidate in 2000. Even with that direct plea, the ruling party was doomed due to a mostly uninterested electorate. Only 41 per cent of registered voters cast their ballots on Jul. 6, compared to 60 per cent when Fox was elected.

Fox's triumph was commended in Mexico and abroad. The following months proved to be difficult for the former head of Coca-Cola, as questions about his leadership and ability began to surface after several setbacks. First came the carefully orchestrated summit with United States president George W. Bush, which failed to get the attention of the world's media. Standing inside Fox's Guanajuato ranch, Bush answered more questions about Iraq—in early 2001—than Mexico.

Fox alleged during his campaign that he could put an end to the rebel uprising in Chiapas within minutes. His much-heralded indigenous rights bill made it through Congress, but the final document satisfied no one. The Zapatista clock is still ticking.

A proposal to offer legal status to hundreds of Mexican migrant workers in the United States was close to becoming a law, but fell into the realm of National Security after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Fox's refusal to support the war in Iraq—a stance approved by 82 per cent of respondents to a Reforma poll in March—further alienated the American government.

An uncertain economy has also been a steady foe for the president. The Mexican peso hit a four-year low last January, and the latest unemployment figures have prompted immediate action by Fox.

Questions still remain about alleged contributions by foreign nationals into Fox's campaign fund, an illegal practice according to the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE). While the IFE cannot file criminal charges, the possibility of wrongdoing could be troubling for a man who presented himself as the only honest alternative in Mexican politics.

For its part, the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI—Institutional Revolutionary Party), a "dinosaur" supposedly slain by Fox in July 2000, rebounded from its first loss in a presidential election with 30.6 per cent of the vote and 224 seats. The left-leaning Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD—Democratic Revolution Party) consolidated its grip on Mexico City, but at 17.6 per cent and 95 congressmen, a national presence remains elusive.

A divided Congress, re-emerging parties and a suddenly diffident president all set the stage for what could be a very contested 2006 election. The PAN candidate is expected to emerge from the current cabinet, much in the way the PRI traditionally selected its nominees before 2000. Current PRI leader Roberto Madrazo—who lost in the presidential primary to Francisco Labastida three years ago—has hinted at a possible run. Mexico City mayor Andrés Manuel López Obrador could seek the PRD nod.

Unlike 2000, when anti-PRI sentiments made Fox an overwhelmingly popular choice, those seeking Los Pinos in 2006 will have to build stronger proposals and plausible platforms. An issue-oriented presidential race could be the best way to engage apathetic voters.

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