Toledo's rating is going down. Nabbing Fujimori might stop the downward trend.

Mario Canseco

Alejandro Toledo became president of Peru during an unyielding time in the South American country. After 10 years of Alberto Fujimori—who quit his post by sending a fax from a Tokyo hotel—and a brief interim government by Valentín Paniagua, Toledo defeated former president Alan García in a run-off on Jun. 3, 2001.

The start of Toledo's tenure was welcomed by an upbeat population. Two years later, the cleansing effect of his victory is almost defunct. An April poll by Consultora Apoyo asked Peruvians to name their favourite politician. Toledo was mentioned by only four per cent of respondents. Fujimori—living in exile after a corruption scandal—was the top choice for 14 per cent.

The survey showed a disheartened Peruvian electorate. The developments of the following weeks did little to lift the president's popularity. Protests from peasants and farmers, and a long strike by education workers over a wage increase, brought Toledo's approval rating dangerously close to single digits.

As public demonstrations resulted in two deaths, the president declared a state of emergency, barely countering the wave of dissatisfaction. In June, Toledo once again angered Peruvians by using the presidential plane to attend an academic ceremony at Stanford University.

The last two gestures by the president have incited a comeback. Toledo decided to reduce his salary, taking a 30 per cent pay cut. A long awaited overhaul of his cabinet saw Beatriz Merino appointed as prime minister in July.

That same April poll by Apoyo asked Peruvians if the government was doing enough to prosecute Fujimori. 66 per cent of respondents said the current administration was not adamant in bringing the former president to justice.

On Jul. 31, a formal extradition request was made by the Peruvian government to Japan, in the latest effort to hold Fujimori accountable. The 700-page document recollects the charges against the former president, which include murder, kidnapping and misuse of public funds.

The key element in the case is Fujimori's alleged involvement in the killing of civilians during a government-backed crackdown on armed groups in the early 1990s. A paramilitary squad known as the Colina Group was in charge of two separate operations, which left 25 people dead in 1991 and 1992.

The summation was built on interviews with some of Fujimori's former army officers, testimony that has been deemed incomplete and inadmissible by critics. In 1995, at the height of his power, Fujimori forced an amnesty law through Congress, effectively shielding the military from any legal action regarding human rights abuses.

Despite the existence of an Interpol warrant for his arrest, Fujimori still lives in Japan—constantly penning articles for his own website—shielded from any legal action due to the absence of an extradition treaty. Japan also granted him citizenship on account of his Asian heritage.

The Peruvian demand found the 65-year-old Fujimori far from fearful. The former president announced plans to return to South America not only as a citizen, but as a ruler. A new party is targeting Fujimori supporters in Peru, under the catchy appellation Sí Cumple (SC—Yes, He Keeps His Promises).

Previous cases suggest the extradition request might not be heeded by Japan. Toledo still has three years left on his term. The president will have to look for other actions to improve his approval rating should Fujimori remain in exile.

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