Thais adopt a new Constitution, implicitly accepting the military rulers that drafted it. Is it over for Thailand's democracy?

Gabriela Perdomo - Last Sunday, more than 23 million voters in Thailand participated in the country's first-ever referendum on a new Constitution and gave their blessing to the new charter, just as the military junta governing the country—and the one that drafted the Constitution—had expected.

Voting Day might be seen by many as a perfect showcase of how twisted democracy has become in Thailand. The same officers that declared in September last year that they seized power in order to "restore" democracy have continued to symbolize the perfect oxymoron by creating a new Constitution tailored to their likes and have managed to sell it as the next great thing for the country's democratic institutions. A legislative election will follow.

The referendum was seen by many as a political thermometer for the upcoming election, tentatively scheduled for December. Interim Thai leader Surayud Chulanont might not have gotten what he wanted. Surayud and his fellow army men ousted elected prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra last September, promising to stay in power only for a short period of time and oversee a transition into a "true" democracy.

Since then, the military government has done two important things. First, it dismantled Thaksin's Thai Love Thais Party - Phak Thai Rak Thai (TRT) after the military-appointed Constitutional Tribunal ruled the party had broken electoral rules in 2006. The main opposition Democrat Party - Phak Prachatipat (PP) was absolved of any wrongdoing. Later, the rulers drafted a Constitution that will prevent one-party rule in Thailand (in other words, a constitution that seeks to hurt TRT remnants in the short and long term).

Since the bloodless coup took place, Surayud has had it relatively easy. Most Thais welcomed the generals thinking they were freeing them from a corrupt and useless government led by Thaksin and his cronies. In May, a Suan Dusit University poll even revealed that many would be OK with the sitting government staying in power for a while. However, the Aug. 19 vote was not as dreamy as the general would have expected. Many more people than he would like to admit voted against the constitution. Roughly 58 per cent voted in favour of the new Charter, and 42 per cent rejected it. Reading a bit far into it, the vote could be interpreted as an indirect way of expressing support for Thaksin.

Noppadol Pattama, Thaksin's lawyer and de facto spokesman in Thailand—the former prime minister currently resides in England—said that the referendum result indicated strong support for Thaksin's former TRT party and himself, adding that "he is quite pleased that the people in rural areas disapprove of the change of power by the coup."

An analysis piece in the Bangkok Post by Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political science professor, published on Aug. 22 said that "the telling indicator from the referendum results was not the numbers who polled in favour of the 2007 constitution, but those who turned it down. The outcome evidently reveals a deeply polarized country, just as it has been over the past two years." In sum, this opinion says nothing has changed. The only thing the military rule has given to Thais is a fake choice between their idea of democracy or the actual democracy they had before, only in the hands of an "evil" leader. The legitimate opposition party, the PP, has apparently simply vanished in the turmoil.

The fake illusion has created a pendulum effect that will most certainly impact the December legislative ballot—if it actually takes place. Surayud has repeatedly said that his government will not form a political party and that it is up to civilian-led parties to resume democratic activity in Thailand. But many fear this is just not true. The Council for National Security chief, Sonthi Boonyaratkalin, has said he would not disclose whether he will run in the election with the new Love The Nation Party - Phak Rak Chat (PRC), founded by retired army members, until the end of September. This gives enough time for pro-interim government legislators to debate on how to develop new electoral laws based on the new Constitution. And enough time to continue a subtle campaign from a position of supremacy.

Rumours on this matter have increased as the generals have seen about 440 former members of the TRT applying to join the People's Power Party - Phak Palang Prachachon (PPP). More than 200 of them were former TRT members of Parliament. At the end of the year, the new assembly might illustrate a return to two years ago, and prove that the army's strategy did nothing but hurt the real opposition.

In all, there is a lesson to learn from the botched Thai experiment of "transition rule". There is no question Thaksin was a terrible prime minister. His pillage of public funds, his superficiality and flat lack of interest for his country's woes were reasons enough to want him out. Out of office, yes, but not ousted. Since last year, Thailand has embodied a perfect example of bad democracy, and provided evidence that Thais fell into a trap: the fallacy that one must like the opposite of what one hates.

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