A key test for public will takes place next month in the last absolute monarchy of Sub-Saharan Africa.

Mario Canseco

No civil unrest, no armed guerrillas, no coups. Swaziland would appear to be an example for African politics. Since becoming independent from Britain in 1968, the country became an absolute monarchy, staying away from the violent power shifts that have epitomized most of the continent.

The absence of military strongmen does not mean Swaziland has no problems. Almost 40 per cent of the population has been infected with HIV, and the country's life expectancy rate drastically plummeted in the last decade to a worrying 39 years. The small kingdom is facing a humanitarian crisis that has seldom been featured in the pages of the world's newspapers.

Since 1986, Swaziland has been administered by King Mswati III. When the monarch announced plans for a parliamentary election this fall, many wondered what the point of such an exercise would be. After the vote takes place on Oct. 18, Mswati will present a new constitution. In a country where political parties have been banned since 1973, monarchy antagonists have little room—and time—to develop a campaign strategy.

Existing regulations call for a primary vote, usually held one month prior to the general election. On Sept. 20, voters chose from a long list of candidates. The results were remarkable. Foreign minister Roy Fanourakis and urban development minister Stella Lukhele lost their bids to the House of Assembly, while pro-democracy activists such as Obed Dlamini—president of the banned Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC)—will be listed in the final ballots.

Some Mswati supporters opted to wait. Prime minister Barnabas Sibusiso Dlamini decided not to be a candidate last week, aiming to get one of 10 seats directly appointed by the King.

The NNLC is not alone in the fight for openness. Two other groups are choosing different forums to get their message across. The People's Democratic Movement (PUDEMO)—whose 20th Anniversary was marked this month—has promised a more aggressive approach to achieve change in the African country. The Swaziland Democratic Alliance (SDA) has criticized the House of Assembly—which can be dissolved at any time by the monarch—and has joined forces with the country's labour federations to call for a boycott of next month's vote.

Only about 250,000 of the country's 1 million residents can actually participate in the election. The restrictions include a ban on widows, who traditionally must mourn a recently deceased spouse for a year. These women are not to come into contact with the King, as customary beliefs sustain that they preserve the spirit of their dead husbands, allegedly interfering with the monarch's traditional medical treatment.

The prohibition is just one of many mystifying excesses indulged in by the 35-year-old Mswati. The monarch enjoys a luxurious lifestyle, and recently added a 17-year-old bride to his list of female companions, which already includes 10 wives.

The King carefully chose the latest addition after reviewing videotapes of half-naked women participating in a traditional dance ceremony. This, after Mswati ordered the country's teenage females to remain virgins, in an effort to curb the AIDS epidemic. As far as policy decisions, Mswati has placed the construction of a new international airport at the top of his list.

The election's final tally could prove to be a sobering experience for the monarch, whose proposed constitution adds 10 more members to the House of Assembly. Any further concessions to democracy promoters will be insignificant unless a key article—Mswati's right to dissolve the legislative branch if and when he pleases—remains out of the new document.

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